The EU and Ireland: Same goals, same ideals
“Ireland affirms its devotion to the ideal of peace and friendly co-operation amongst nations founded on international justice and morality.”
–Bunreacht na hÉireann, Article 29.1
“The Union’s action on the international scene shall be guided by the principles [of] …democracy, the rule of law, the universality and indivisibility of human rights and fundamental freedoms, respect for human dignity, the principles of equality and solidarity, and respect for the principles of the United Nations Charter and international law.”
–Lisbon Treaty, Article 21.1
Lisbon has few genuinely new provisions in the area of foreign and defence policy; it mostly codifies existing procedures based on previous treaties. It retains virtually all previous safeguards, including the unanimity requirement, the absence of any automatic military obligations, specific assurances that Irish neutrality will be respected, and the “triple lock” procedure whereby the approval of the UN Security Council or General Assembly, of the Dáil and of the Government are all required for any Irish participation in a military operation. More fundamentally, we should look at the EU’s record in its external operations and its exclusive focus on peace-keeping, conflict prevention and strengthening international security which is so much in tune with Irish priorities. Far from being a threat to Irish foreign policy, the Lisbon Treaty’s strengthening of the EU’s security and defence capabilities will enable us to pursue even more effectively the ideals of international peace and humanitarianism which we hold so dear and for which we are so respected around the globe.
Article 42.1 of the Treaty states that the Common Security and Defence Policy is to be used for “peace-keeping, conflict prevention and strengthening international security in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter.” This approach is wholly in line with Ireland’s foreign and defence policy priorities. It is backed up by the EU’s record in its external operations. Since the beginning of 2003 the European Union has deployed 19 civilian missions and 8 missions with a peacekeeping or peace enforcement element. These include EUFOR in Chad and the Central African Republic, commanded by Irish Lieutenant General Pat Nash, which protected refugee camps and supported the delivery of humanitarian aid as part of the UN operation MINURCAT. The EU’s strengths are in its capacity to act with greater urgency than the UN, and its holistic take on crisis management, involving policy instruments from diplomacy to humanitarian assistance to the limited use of military force.
Opponents of the Lisbon Treaty argue that involvement in external EU operations compromises our neutrality, but in fact they are advocating a retreat to an inward-looking isolationism that would prevent involvement in the kind of foreign operation that Irish people legitimately support. Most people do not feel that the kind of work carried out by our peacekeepers and aid workers is in any way in conflict with our neutrality, and given that the EU’s activity in this area is so close to our own, it is difficult to argue that it endangers our neutrality. In fact, the usual criticism of the Government on foreign policy focuses on the idea that we do not do enough to halt atrocities such as those in Darfur, not that we should pull back from this sort of action. The EU enables us to do this in a more effective way than we ever could on our own. Indeed, Lieutenant General Colm Mangan, former Chief of Staff of the Irish Defence Forces, comments: “Without our involvement in Europe we wouldn’t be able to undertake any kind of peace support as it is our cooperation with our European partners that gives us the capability to engage in peace operations of all natures.”
The Lisbon Treaty enhances our ability to contribute to the kind of international action Irish people support while leaving any deeper engagement in common defence policy up to us. It categorically states that any move to a common defence would require a unanimous decision of all Member States (Article 42.2). In addition it protects the “specific character of the security and defence policy of certain Member States,” while the legal guarantees attached to the Treaty clearly state that it “does not affect or prejudice Ireland’s traditional policy of military neutrality.” Lisbon codifies the already existing European Defence Agency (EDA), which has developed technologies for landmine disposal and for detecting chemical and biological weapons. Ireland has so far participated as a full partner in the EDA. This is seen as a critical element in the modernisation of our Defence Force capabilities for international peacekeeping operations.
The Treaty also requires states to “undertake progressively to improve their military capabilities” (Article 42.3), to avoid problems such as the endangering of civilians in Darfur through the lack of helicopters available to the UN mission which caused public outrage in December 2007. This does not necessarily imply additional military expenditure, but more focused spending to get the best possible value for taxpayers’ money. Member State contributions are entirely decided by their own governments. If we agree with the peacekeeping and humanitarian objectives of EU defence policy, we should be in favour of measures to do this more effectively with less danger to European soldiers and less cost to European citizens.
Ireland has a long and distinguished tradition of active engagement to promote peace around the world. Since 1958, we have provided personnel to peace support and humanitarian operations, and in the last number of years we have also pursued this goal in cooperation with our European partners. The Lisbon Treaty will enable to do this more effectively than ever before.
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